The Beijing-controlled Legislative Council in Hong Kong passed a new security law on March 19, 2024, that eliminates the last vestiges of fundamental freedoms in the city. The Safeguarding National Security Ordinance punishes peaceful speech and civil society activism with heavy prison sentences, expands police powers, and weakens due process rights. Because provisions apply to Hong Kong residents and businesses anywhere in the world, the law can silence dissent both in the city and globally.
Human Rights Watch condemned the rushed legislative process, where legislators spent a mere 39 hours reviewing a 212-page draft without proposing any amendments. The law takes effect on March 23, 2024, marking a new era of comprehensive oppression in Hong Kong.
“This law will subject Hong Kong to unprecedented levels of repression,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. Even possession of books critical of China could now lead to lengthy imprisonment. The law criminalizes acts like subversion, secession, espionage, and foreign interference, violating international human rights standards enshrined in Hong Kong’s Basic Law.
In a dramatic trial unfolding in Hong Kong, media tycoon Jimmy Lai, once a symbol of defiance against Beijing, faces severe charges under China’s National Security Law. Lai, known for his outspoken criticism of Beijing through his newspaper, APPLE DAILY, became a prominent figure in Hong Kong’s pro-democracy protests. Arrested in 2020, Lai now confronts allegations of colluding with foreign forces, which could lead to a life sentence. Despite international outcry over what many view as politically motivated charges, Lai appeared in court, greeted by supporters and family members, clad in a blue shirt and khaki jacket, his trademark defiance undiminished.
The trial marks a pivotal test for Hong Kong’s judicial independence under the controversial security law, widely criticized for eroding freedoms once enjoyed in the region. Amid heightened security at the courthouse, including police dogs and armored vehicles, supporters like elderly activist Grandma Wong continue to rally, waving British flags in protest against what they perceive as Beijing’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s autonomy.
As the trial proceeds, international observers and human rights advocates closely monitor proceedings, emphasizing concerns over fair trial standards and political interference. Lai’s case underscores broader tensions surrounding Hong Kong’s autonomy and the implications of Beijing’s tightening grip on dissent.
In the midst of heated debates about anti-Semitism and free speech on American college campuses, China has witnessed a viral controversy over a video teaching how to cook fried rice. Fried rice, a staple in Chinese households and often the first dish many learn to cook, holds a cultural significance akin to macaroni and cheese in the United States. This culinary icon has thrust Wang Gang, one of China’s most popular food bloggers, into the spotlight with his “perfect” fried rice recipe sparking both acclaim and critique.
However, a particular video stirred outrage among Chinese state media and the internet. On November 27th, just two days after the anniversary of Mao Zedong’s son Mao Anying’s death, Wang posted a fried rice video. Speculation arose that Mao Anying was preparing fried rice when he died in the Korean War.
China’s landscape has become increasingly politicized, turning everyday topics like cooking into potential minefields. Wang, who started working in restaurants at 15, has always focused solely on cuisine in his shows. Despite this, he found himself embroiled in political currents.
In China’s highly controlled online environment, coded language and cautious expressions have become common as citizens navigate what can and cannot be openly discussed. Wang’s experience highlights the constraints on free speech in China, where even seemingly innocuous topics can lead to controversy and censorship.
Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee unveiled his second Policy Address in late October, introducing “patriotic education” for the first time in Hong Kong’s national education system. The Chief Secretary for Administration will oversee a task force to coordinate efforts across government and non-government sectors to promote this initiative.
Scholars noted the timing of Lee’s announcement, coinciding with China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee passing the “Patriotic Education Law.” Led by the Chief Secretary for Administration, akin to the Cultural Revolution’s Central Cultural Group, the task force aims for comprehensive ideological education.
China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee passed the “Patriotic Education Law of the People’s Republic of China” on October 24, effective January 1 next year. The following day, Lee integrated patriotic education into Hong Kong’s national education system, forming the “Patriotic Education Working Group” under Chief Secretary Chan Kwok-ki. This move aligns with mainland China’s law, emphasizing Chinese history, culture, and national identity education.
At China’s 13th National Women’s Congress, the spotlight was on male leaders, with Xi Jinping prominently seated at the opening ceremony. The state media highlighted his presence, signaling the Communist Party’s stance on women’s issues. This year, notably, no women were included in China’s top leadership for the first time in two decades, underscoring a symbolic but significant shift.
Xi Jinping’s emphasis on traditional family values like promoting marriage and childbirth reflects a broader strategy amid China’s demographic challenges. The declining birth rate has prompted drastic measures to reverse the trend, including cash incentives and tax breaks. Yet, critics argue this focus sidelines broader gender equality issues, relegating women to traditional roles rather than acknowledging their contributions in the workplace.
While Xi Jinping acknowledges gender equality in principle, his recent speeches have predominantly focused on familial duties, signaling a regression from previous platforms advocating for women’s empowerment and self-fulfillment. This shift raises concerns among Chinese women who have long fought against societal pressures and government policies that restrict their freedoms and rights.
The congress’s discussions highlighted the government’s preference for reinforcing traditional values to address economic and demographic concerns, potentially sacrificing women’s progress in the process. As China navigates its most significant economic challenges in decades, the role of women in shaping its future remains a contentious issue.
The two-year-long saga of Evergrande Group’s financial meltdown has reached a dramatic peak. On the evening of September 28, China Evergrande Group, listed in Hong Kong, announced that its Chairman, Xu Jiayin, is under investigation for suspected illegal activities and has been subjected to mandatory measures. Several other senior executives of Evergrande are also being investigated.
On August 10, U.S. President Biden called China’s economy a “ticking time bomb” during a political fundraising event, drawing criticism from Chinese state media. Shortly after, China’s National Bureau of Statistics announced it would no longer release youth unemployment data, sparking heated discussions online.
In June 2023, China’s youth unemployment rate was as high as 21.3%, but on August 15, the authorities announced they would stop publishing the data.
Real estate companies like Evergrande and Country Garden continue to face debt defaults, and China’s largest asset management group Zhongzhi Enterprise Group is also in trouble, with financial trust products’ defaults spreading. Foreign direct investment in China has dropped to its lowest level since 1998, and the pace of foreign capital withdrawal is accelerating. In the next ten years, China’s economy might decouple from the West, regressing to the pre-reform era.
Hong Kong’s government has renewed efforts to ban “Glory to Hong Kong,” which has emerged as the unofficial anthem of pro-democracy demonstrators in 2019. After mistakenly played during an Asian rugby match in Korea last year, the song has been listed as prohibited in schools, and authorities are now seeking a court injunction to ban its public performance and online dissemination.
This move could place American tech companies like Google in a difficult position, as it marks the first legal test of Hong Kong’s control over online content. The government claims the song insults China’s national anthem and damages both the nation and the Special Administrative Region.
Hong Kong’s Security Bureau Chief criticized Google last December for not prioritizing the Chinese national anthem in search results. The new injunction request, citing the 2020 National Security Law, is part of broader efforts to eliminate political dissent in the city.
If granted, this injunction could complicate and increase the costs of content moderation for U.S. tech firms operating in Hong Kong. Critics argue that the National Security Law, which gives China broad powers to address perceived political crimes, extends its reach globally, potentially affecting anyone outside of Hong Kong.
Despite these suppression efforts, interest in “Glory to Hong Kong” has surged, with multiple versions topping Hong Kong’s iTunes charts. As Hong Kong tightens its grip on freedom of speech, it risks tarnishing its image as a business-friendly hub, with some multinational companies already relocating to other regions like Singapore.
For decades, Hong Kong was the only place in China where people could openly commemorate the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown through candlelight vigils. This year, however, Hong Kong has taken notable steps to make people forget the massacre.
Ahead of this year’s June 4th anniversary, small shops displaying items hinting at the crackdown were closely monitored. On the weekend, thousands of police officers patrolled the streets of Causeway Bay, where vigils used to be held. They set up temporary tents and searched individuals suspected of attempting to mourn. Four people were arrested for “acts with seditious intent,” and another four were detained.
Zhou Fengsuo, a student leader of the Tiananmen Square protests, stated that Hong Kong is now under the same tyranny as mainland China. He expressed that the mission to democratize China, which began in 1989, remains incomplete as Hong Kong faces similar repression.
The 1989 democratic movement had significant support in Hong Kong, then a British colony. After the Chinese army violently suppressed the protests, some student leaders escaped to Hong Kong. In 2019, thousands gathered in Victoria Park for a candlelight vigil, marking the last large-scale commemoration of the massacre in Hong Kong.
Since the implementation of the National Security Law in 2020, nearly all forms of dissent in Hong Kong have become criminalized. Authorities have been particularly focused on erasing the memory of the Tiananmen Massacre, raiding museums and libraries and imprisoning vigil organizers.
Despite the lifting of pandemic restrictions this year, Victoria Park was occupied by a pro-Beijing group’s fair, celebrating Hong Kong’s return to China in 1997. The arrests over the weekend and heavy police presence have made it clear that public mourning of the Tiananmen victims is no longer tolerated.
In recent days, China has witnessed a wave of performance cancellations across the country. A Japanese monk singer called off his tour, several cities halted stand-up comedy shows, and Beijing bars canceled jazz performances. Over a span of just a few days, more than a dozen shows were abruptly canceled, some mere minutes before they were scheduled to start, with little to no explanation provided.
These cancellations followed a significant fine imposed on a Chinese comedy studio in Beijing. The studio was fined 13.35 million yuan after the government accused one of its comedians of insulting soldiers in a joke. In a northern city, police also detained a woman for defending the comedian online. These actions highlight the increasing scrutiny faced by China’s creative industries.
Chinese President Xi Jinping has intensified the control over art and culture as part of an ideological campaign, urging artists to align their work with the Communist Party’s goals. Performers must submit scripts for review, and publications are closely monitored. In a letter to the National Art Museum of China on its 60th anniversary, Xi emphasized the need to “maintain the correct political direction.”
This heightened emphasis on controlling art and culture aligns with Xi’s broader focus on national security and eliminating foreign influences. Recently, authorities have raided Western consulting firms and expanded anti-espionage laws.
The crackdown also extended to live performances involving foreign artists, resulting in canceled shows for rock bands, jazz musicians, and rappers across major cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. Cancellations were often attributed to “force majeure,” a term commonly used to imply government pressure.
Many observers see this as part of a larger strategy to tighten control over cultural expression amid deteriorating relations with the West. As Xi’s China becomes increasingly paranoid, cultural activities, including comedy and music, are becoming battlegrounds for ideological control.
The Cultural Revolution, occurring from 1966 to 1976, caused an estimated 1.6 to 2 million deaths and left lasting trauma on generations. Under Mao Zedong, this movement aimed to eliminate non-Communist elements in Chinese society but ended up overturning revered institutions. Teachers and schools were stigmatized, books were burned, museums looted, and private art collections destroyed. Intellectuals were tortured.
In China, where information is often controlled, history is continually rewritten. Recent government actions, like censoring COVID-19 research and altering textbooks on Hong Kong’s colonial history, threaten to erase the Cultural Revolution from collective memory. This rewriting endangers the country’s future.
The Chinese government has never been keen on preserving the memory of those dark years. Museum exhibits often skipped over those years or briefly mentioned them in a muted tone.
A Chinese court has sentenced a 78-year-old American citizen, Chengyun Liang, to life imprisonment on charges of espionage, according to a statement released on Monday. The specific details of the charges were not disclosed. This case is part of a broader crackdown by Chinese authorities on alleged espionage activities amid rising concerns over foreign influence.
The Suzhou Intermediate People’s Court announced the verdict in a brief statement, revealing that Liang was detained by national security officials on April 1, 2021. The court also ordered the confiscation of Liang’s personal property worth 500,000 Chinese Yuan (～USD 68,8000). Liang, who holds a U.S. passport and is a permanent resident of Hong Kong, faced charges in a trial that lacked transparency, as is typical for politically sensitive cases in China.
A recent report by the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab reveals the extent of China’s internet censorship, identifying over 66,000 rules controlling search engine content.
Chinese search engines, including Bing, have developed algorithms to “hard censor” politically sensitive topics, either by providing no results or limiting them to government-approved sources. This makes censorship more pervasive and subtle, giving the illusion of normal search results.
Researchers examined eight platforms, including search engines like Baidu and social media sites like Weibo, finding that all are subject to strict legal restrictions. These platforms censor content related to crime, obscenity, and politically sensitive topics that might threaten the Communist Party’s rule.
Allowing foreign tech companies to operate in China does not mitigate censorship or human rights issues, as these companies must comply with China’s stringent laws.
Hideji Suzuki, a Japanese citizen, was sentenced to six years in prison in China for espionage charges and was recently released from prison.
He said the conviction stemmed from a dinner party where he did nothing more than try to chat with a Chinese scholar about North Korean issues.
Since 2015, 17 Japanese citizens have been detained on similar charges, with Suzuki being one of them and the only one to publicly speak about his experience.
While it is difficult to determine the exact number of foreigners imprisoned in China, Beijing seems to have detained an unusually high number of Japanese citizens on espionage charges. Suzuki, a former chairman of a Japan-China friendship organization, was arrested during a trip to China in 2016. Since his first visit to China in 1983, he had visited over 200 times. He said he made many friends among Chinese scholars and senior officials during these visits and even met former Premier Li Keqiang twice. He also taught university courses on China and translated books on the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations after World War II.
However, he said that as China’s vigilance towards foreigners increased, these relationships and experiences made him a suspect. He believes he became a target because the Chinese government is tightening control over academic research on China, leading to the arrest of nearly 20 professors who returned to China after working at Japanese universities.
Suzuki said he was preparing to fly home from Beijing when plainclothes men forcibly pushed him into a van. He was informally detained and interrogated for seven months. During that time, the lights in his room were never turned off, even when he was sleeping; the guards only let him see the sun once for 15 minutes, he said.
When Suzuki was finally tried, the trial was not public and lasted only two days: the charges were read on the first day, and the verdict was announced on the second day. Although he was allowed to appeal, his appeal was rejected.
Japanese analysts attribute the surge in arrests to new national security laws introduced by China in 2014 and 2015. These laws target those seen as foreign spies and their local collaborators, expanding the scope of espionage charges.
The espionage charges against Japanese citizens vary but often seem arbitrary. Chinese law defines what constitutes state secrets broadly, including some information considered harmless in other countries.
On Monday, two of China’s most prominent human rights lawyers were sentenced to 14 and 12 years in prison, respectively. These are the harshest sentences in such cases in recent years, indicating that the space for free expression has vanished under the leadership of President Xi Jinping. Lawyers Xu Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi were convicted of subverting state power due to their advocacy for the so-called “New Citizens’ Movement,” which encourages ordinary Chinese citizens to exercise their constitutional rights to freedom of speech and other liberties, at least in theory. They were detained after organizing a gathering of about 20 lawyers and activists in the coastal city of Xiamen in 2019, where they discussed plans to achieve these goals and the future of China’s rights movement.
During his first decade as China’s top leader, Xi Jinping has effectively suppressed the remaining dissent. He has targeted not only activists but also business tycoons, intellectuals, and elite members of the party, with some receiving prison sentences of nearly 20 years. Xi has also expanded internet censorship and demanded loyalty from the media.
The trial was conducted in secret at a court in eastern Shandong province.
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